Calcutta. Summer of 1950. Residence of Sita Ram Goel. The Home Minister in question was Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. The occasion: Sardar Patel had read Ram Swarup’s clinical dissection of the Communist menace sweeping like a gargantuan locust-army across Southeast Asia in his book, Russian Imperialism: How to Stop It. He had sent a Home Ministry official to Sita Ram Goel’s house to convey his appreciation and encouragement.
Beginning roughly a decade earlier, Ram Swarup, Sita Ram Goel and a committed group of patriots had been repeatedly warning India that the freedom we achieved would be smothered again if the Communists were allowed anywhere near political power. The aforementioned work was one of the first of many outcomes of this effort. The book was blessed by Sri Aurobindo and highly endorsed by Bertrand Russell and Arthur Koestler among others. It was sent, free of charge, to all notable people across the world including political leaders.
One such notable recipient was Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.
Few people today might remember the fact that Sardar Patel led a frontal attack against Communist forces in India and stood like a determined bulwark against external Communist aggression. His dogged sucker punches against Communism was one of the biggest bones in his fight with Nehru, a fight Nehru was destined to lose and lost repeatedly. Indeed, by 1950, Patel had so cornered Nehru so badly that he whimpered to Rafi Ahmed Kidwai that he was quitting the Congress and planned to start an independent political Kirana shop. Nehru’s clownish appeasement and wooing of Communist China whose intent of conquering Tibet was no secret also formed the subject of heated correspondences with Patel. The interested reader is requested to peruse the relevant letters in Sardar Patel Selective Correspondence 1945-1950 (Volumes I & II). Here’s a brief excerpt from Patel’s letter to Nehru dated 7 November 1950:
My Dear Jawaharlal,
I have carefully gone through the correspondence between the External Affairs Ministry and our Ambassador in Peking and through him the Chinese Government…The Chinese Government has tried to delude us by professions of peaceful intention. My own feeling is that at a crucial period they manage to instil into our Ambassador a false sense of confidence in their so-called desire to settle the Tibetan problem by peaceful means. There can be no doubt that during the period covered by this correspondence the Chinese must have been concentrating for an onslaught on Tibet. The final action of the Chinese, in my judgment, is little short of perfidy. The tragedy of it is that the Tibetans put faith in us; they choose to be guided by us, and we have been unable to get them out of the meshes of Chinese diplomacy or Chinese malevolence. From the latest position, it appears that we shall not be able to rescue the Dalai Lama. Our Ambassador has been at great pains to find an explanation or justification for Chinese policy and actions…It is impossible to imagine any sensible person believing in the so-called threat to China from Anglo-American machinations in Tibet…This feeling, if genuinely entertained by the Chinese in spite of your direct approaches to them, indicates that even though we regard ourselves as friends of China, the Chinese do not regard us as their friends…During the last several months, outside the Russian camp, we have practically been alone in championing the cause of Chinese entry into UN…Recent and bitter history also tells us that communism is no shield against imperialism and that the communist are as good or as bad imperialist as any other. [Emphases added]
Of course, Patel’s grave warning against China bounced off Nehru’s Communism-enveloped, clueless skull. If anything, the Chinese understood Nehru’s cluelessness and his cowardly psyche far better than poor Patel. This is how they justified their invasion of Tibet.
Whether Nehru was a running dog or no it is hard to say without conclusive evidence but he was certainly the Pavlovian dog that the USSR had carefully cultivated for over two decades. And he performed along expected lines. Instead of responding to Patel, this Prime Minister of India justified the Chinese invasion. Here. His own words. Said to a Reuters correspondent in Srinagar about two weeks after the Chinese invasion.
In hindsight, it appears that even the Chinese official spokesperson couldn’t have done a better job at defending their imperialism. This, ladies and gentlemen, is our first Prime Minister.
It is in the backdrop of the Chinese invasion of Tibet that the work of Ram Swarup, et al attracted Sardar Patel’s attention. Fate unfortunately willed otherwise, and India lost the Iron Man a month after his letter to Nehru and then groaned under the nation-wrecking tyranny of Edwina’s Man. Sardar Patel’s death finally cleared the deck for Nehru’s illegitimate, one-sided romance with China for the next twelve years, a sleazy tryst that ended with the venereal disease called the 1962 invasion of India by China. If you ever wondered why Sardar Patel was not given the Bharat Ratna till 1991—by the visionary, P.V. Narasimha Rao—this is the reason.
Equally, if you wonder why thousands of Indians like me abhor Nehru and why we blame him for almost everything wrong with “independent” India, the reason is rather plain: truth. An eminently verifiable truth because he has himself left behind a voluminous record, a Himalayan wreckage of his misdeeds, and akin to every despotic Sultan and Nawab, he has declared them as his achievements. In this, we have no reason to doubt his sincerity. It is a sincerity that operates on the planes of impulse and psyche and conviction. When these are subjected to historical analysis, this is what emerges: Nawab Nehru’s understanding of India was much lesser and far more inferior than that of the British. And when such an ignoramus (not used pejoratively but as a statement of fact) is addicted to Communism and the cult of Stalin and then becomes Prime Minister, we get planned national impoverishment as economics and a craven foreign policy that invites military defeat.
Thus, what had remained merely at the level of China-apologetics became a full-blown epidemic of Communist treachery disguised as China foreign policy after Sardar Patel’s death. The first, official preface to this treachery was something called Panchsheel, signed by Nawab Nehru at Peking on 28 April 1954. The practical application of Panchsheel meant this: sending regular delegations of peace and goodwill to Moscow and Beijing, organising seminars, conferences and other junkets around these themes of friendship peace, and the ubiquitous Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai. The term “regular” needs to be quantified for the present generation to get an idea of its magnitude. Regular was synonymous with weekly.
Guess who was at the vanguard of Panchseel? Guess who Nehru chose for his “diplomacy” with Peking? Influential members of the Communist Party of India (CPI). There's no word in the lexicon to describe a phenomenon where a Prime Minister outsources the nation's foreign policy towards a Communist nation to Communist ideologues and leaders of India whose avowed aim is to break India.
In one massive strike, Panchsheel had opened up a second front of fifth columnists and created a sprawling, lucrative job market for a hungry horde of dregs who now salivated at this new prospect of a lifelong cushy career if they only became willing slaves of alien imperialisms. Which they became.
These weekly delegations flowed thick, fast and furious like the Volga and the Ganga and the Yang Tze across Moscow, Delhi, and Beijing. The aforementioned slaves competed feverishly among one another for these junkets. Over time, it was not a question of which of these slaves would go on a junket, but which precise junket he or she craved to attend. They had already taken the oath of Communist treachery, the entry-level qualification.
In his own delusional inner world, Nawab Nehru was actually protecting India from the evil capitalist nations of the West never mind the fact that he had begged for and received aid and food grain from the US.
And, depending on their position in the food chain, these conscious betrayers of India had either the direct or indirect blessings and backing of the Prime Minister himself as we shall see in the subsequent parts.
By 1955, just a year after the Panchsheel agreement, Radio Moscow was broadcasting Communist propaganda on Indian airwaves for 30 hours a week in Hindi, Bengali and English. All India Radio, Film Division and in general, the Information and Broadcasting Ministry was pumping out pro-China agitprop nonstop.
The other side of Nawab Nehru’s Russo-China obsession was the fact that he was publicly intolerant of even the notion of criticism of these two Communist nations. He regarded every such critic as his personal enemy. Eventually, word went out from his PMO that any Indian who criticized China was the enemy of India. By now, the notorious India-China Friendship Association had become radioactive, recruiting hordes of Indian Communist traitors and using them as artillery against their own country.
One notable eminence who denounced the denouncers of China from this platform was Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao, the influential bureaucrat and founder of the Delhi School of Economics. Other India-China Friendship Association worthies included Satyendranath Bose (the scientist), Ahmed Abbas, Mulk Raj Anand (the writer), R.K. Karanjia, K.M. Panikkar (eminent historian), Vijayalakshmi Pandit (Sultana or Nawab Nehru’s sister), Indira Gandhi (future Sultana), D.D. Kosambi (another eminent historian), Rahul Sankrityayan, Natwar Singh (disgraced from Sonia Gandhi’s Italian graces), Prithviraj Kapoor (filmmaker, Raj Kapoor’s father), P.C. Mahalonobis (Nehruvian statistician), and Ajoy Ghosh, General Secretary of the CPI. The cherry-topping, in true Nawab style was a taxpayer-funded party given in September 1955 to Chinese Muslims who were going on pilgrimage to Mecca.
Needless, Sita Ram Goel was one of the first victims. He had already been on Nawab Nehru’s hit list ever since he had sent that book. Goel’s passport was cancelled and he was forbidden to travel abroad, especially to Formosa to attend the Conference of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League in the same year, 1955. However, that was just the beginning of the hounding as we shall see.
By now, Nehru’s dictatorship was unchallenged, total. Almost the entire English media was in his Stalinist fist. Nehru’s intolerant paranoia was so complete that instructions were given to scan even the Letters to the Editor for any criticism of China. These Pan Parag goondas in the English media were only happy to comply.
We shall illustrate this phenomenon using three or four major examples. The first example is that of the late editor Prem Bhatia.
To be continued
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