WHEN PRIME MINISTER NARENDRA MODI called the Congress as the leader of the Tukde Tukde gang in parliament yesterday, he was merely expressing the national sentiment. Tukde Tukde is simultaneously an attitude, an intent and a state of mind whose political mothership is the Nehruvian Congress party.
Nawab Nehru’s role in the Indian freedom struggle reveals three characteristic elements. First, he was a convenient absconder—i.e., this delicate darling would scamper off to Europe when things got too rough here. Second, he was the ultimate theory master who thought among other things that the freedom struggle was a playground of ideas and competitive political theorizing. Third and the most important, Nawab Nehru had no national vision.
Despite my reservations about Nehru, I do not begrudge or belittle his contributions to the freedom struggle. However, contributions are measured by their outcome, and in his case, the outcome remains disastrous because its underpinnings were flawed, and the source of the flaw was his encapsulated ignorance of his own country.
A national vision stems from an innate recognition of national integrity on the plane of the spirit. Its outward expressions encompass all spheres of our national life: politics, society, economics, religion, education and culture. It is what fuses all of them as a harmonious whole. When you regard each of these elements in isolation, integrity suffers damage.
In Nehru’s case, he isolated the rest of the Indian national life by placing primacy solely on politics and economics, both of which were driven by his zealous attachment for Soviet-style Communism. The consequences were along expected lines.
Perhaps the most detrimental consequence has been the descent of India into a state of quasi-anarchy. The Congress today is the leader of this anarchy because Nehru was its progenitor.
THE STORY DATES BACK to the Congress Resolution of 1928, sponsored by Motilal Nehru, which for the first time envisaged the creation of linguistic states after India attained independence. Perhaps that was the only promise that this party ever fulfilled in its tawdry and decrepit existence. The worst part was that it completely kept the 562 Princely States—about forty percent of (undivided) India’s geography—out of the scope of this resolution.
The linguistic reorganization of India was in reality a redrawing of India’s political map and it was achieved on the carcasses of the Princely States. It is also a subject that needs a thorough re-evaluation if we are serious about preserving the integrity of India itself. The commission set up to examine this linguistic reorganization issue delivered its unambiguous verdict in late 1948: things should be left as they were. Old boundaries had been sanctified by the informal agreements and usages and customs over the eons. Even the British, when they created new Provinces and administrative units, had left the boundaries and local traditions untouched. They rarely interfered with language. Even a British journalist and writer had a better grasp of this Indian reality than the Nehruvian establishment when he wrote this:
But then, the aspiring Stalin inside Nawab Nehru had no clue about these practical realities of his own civilizational nation. His tyrannical role models had “created” the USSR from scratch, and this devotee aspired to inflict the same upon Bharatavarsha. And so, in “creating” India, he created an unsolvable mess.
The consequence showed almost immediately. Potti Sriramulu’s fast-unto-death for slicing out Andhra Pradesh which culminated in his death transformed the Telugu-speaking regions into a flaming inferno. It witnessed a Nehru crumbling to his knees in Parliament. And the message rocked the nation: the Prime Minister was susceptible to violent blackmail.
Prime Minister Nehru was susceptible to blackmail because he was eminently susceptible to flattery.
After Nawab Nehru inaugurated the formation of Andhra Pradesh in October 1953, a national wave of mass agitations erupted, and the States Reorganization Commission was formed. The Commission submitted its report in October 1955. In its immediate aftermath, widespread rioting and violence followed in Orissa, Bengal, Bihar, Bombay, Ahmedabad and Punjab. Less than a decade after India achieved “Independence” and was supposedly “united” politically.
The first of a long series of language wars among Hindus had begun.
It was also the herald of a phenomenon, which I have described elsewhere as the agitational history that keeps India unstable.
“Uniting” India by dividing it along linguistic lines is an unprecedented marvel in the political history of the world. It is also a flagrant violation of the civilizational and cultural ethos that actually kept the Sanatana civilization alive and thriving.
But the unprecedented is also a precedent.
Congress party, the mothership of divisiveness systematically created clones who learned quickly. It was not language per se, but divisiveness itself that was the vote-getting mantra. Caste, sub-caste, religion, sect, tribe, special interest groups…
We have reached a stage where almost every state has become a war zone, and the divisive states of India are waging an unhinged, all-out war against the Indian Union.
Take Punjab for example. One must be completely clueless or credulous or totally daft to believe in the fiction called “Farmers’ Protest.” It was war against the Republic. So is the ongoing election campaigning. The kind of newer and newer fault lines that are emerging almost on a minute-by-minute basis is not normal by any stretch of the definition. And it is the ruling party, the Congress, which is leading this war from the front lines.
Or take Tamil Nadu, one of the most alarming epicenters of a multi-pronged war. What the hell is a “Dravidian stock?” Why didn’t this terminology exist say, even seven years ago? How did it acquire such currency so swiftly? Barely into his second year, Chief Minister Stalin (with due apologies to Nawab Nehru) has wasted no time in administratively and politically burning the state to the ground.
Or take Andhra Pradesh. As we have noted elsewhere, a substantial part of Jaganmohan Reddy’s extraordinary victory owes to the thorough breakdown of the Hindu society in the state. Pastors fighting over their bounty in exchange for the Hindu souls they have harvested has become commonplace.
Or take Karnataka, long assumed to have been immune from such overtly schismatic politics. Over the past decade, this tendency has silently invaded the state in the form of “reforming” the Kannada language. If the trend is allowed to persist, a lot of dangerous forces backing it will succeed in severing Kannada from its Sanskrit roots thereby weakening an already-feeble Sanatana society.
Or take Bengal.
Or take Maharashtra.
Or the North East.
Perhaps the most lethal element in this internal war raging within India is the casual nonchalance with which sitting political leaders and powerful lobbies are seeking support from foreign nations which are not only hostile to India but are determined to wipe it out.
On the one hand, we have the undeniable growth of India’s stature on the global stage accompanied by rather sweeping economic changes, whose fruits will be enjoyed by the future generations. On the other, we have a dogged cabal of deathly forces who won’t blink twice if India splinters to pieces—in fact, it is their fondest wet dream.
Needless, it is the Congress which originally lactated them and nourished them with beef, biriyani and booze. The forces have fattened over the decades because the protective umbrella of the Congress shielded their very existence. Now that that cover has been blown, what we are seeing is the regular crawling out of these concealed worms. Except that instead of retreating, they are flexing their collective muscle.
The profound civilization of Bharatavarsha is at a tipping point because the Nehruvian Indian state has eaten into its innards. My hope is that I will still continue to live in a Bharatavarsha of the near future which allows me to write such pieces.
|| Om Tat Sat ||
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