That history writing in India has been the subject of fierce controversy is now an article of faith, especially following Arun Shourie’s seminal expose of the Indian history establishment in his Eminent Historians, a classic in its own right. Arun Shourie among other things, exposed in detail how in both official and dominant history textbooks and narratives at all levels—from school to university to general/popular history—do several mischievous things simultaneously as we shall see.
This narrative typically begins by endorsing the discredited Aryan Invasion (or Migration) Theory as a historical fact and exhibits its distinctive character when it deals with the protracted Muslim rule of India during the medieval period. In turn, this character demonstrates several key features.
In no specific order, it includes a demonisation of Brahmins as the root cause of everything wrong with India—from the ancient past to the present. And then there is the whitewashing of the long and voluminous record of Muslim atrocities against Hindus—genocides, forced conversions, industrial scale temple destructions and the economic emasculation of Hindus by imposing the Jiyza tax and the Dhimmi status upon them. This narrative simultaneously also downplays the cultural, civilisational, and economic excellence attained by India under great Hindu dynasties like the Mauryas, Sungas, Guptas, Satavahanas, Cholas, Chalukyas, Hoysalas and the Vijayanagar Empire.
Needless to say, none of these historical deceptions is possible without wilful, calculated, and wholesale distortion of historical truths, a fact that has been debunked and rebutted extensively and spread across numerous scholarly volumes by stalwarts like Sita Ram Goel, Ram Swarup, Harsh Narain, Arun Shourie, Koenraad Elst, Meenakshi Jain and others.
The other facet of whitewashing the historical record of Muslim atrocities in India is donning cruel despots and tyrants as benevolent and progressive rulers. The classic example is Aurangzeb, the bigoted tyrant par excellence. Even if one doesn’t have the time or wherewithal to read through Jadunath Sarkar’s five- volume, definitive History of Aurangzib, the shorter India of Aurangzib or even the primary source, the authorized biography of Aurangzeb, the Masir-i-Alamgiri has ample evidences to show for his fanaticism and hatred against Hindus rooted in his fanatical zeal in Islam. Yet, our school and university and other books of popular history paint him almost as a saint.
In a perverse application of the proverb of what’s sauce for goose is sauce for gander, a similar application of historical distortion has been carried out with regard to Tipu Sultan, who in many ways is the Aurangzeb of the South. As the author of a book on Tipu Sultan (Tipu Sultan: The Tyrant of Mysore, Rare Publications, Chennai), I am both amused and amazed at the continuing efforts to paint him as a hero, patriot, and freedom fighter.
To be sure, the Tipu myth gained currency after Bhagvan S. Gidwani’s distorted novel titled The Sword of Tipu Sultan, where Tipu is hailed as the “tiger of Mysore,” and bestowed with similar epithets.
It is instructive to examine the assessment of Gidwani’s novel by the historian and scholar I.M. Muthanna in his comprehensive Tipu Sultan X-Rayed published in 1980:
Muthanna was both perceptive and prophetic given how the Tipu myth was since used in the service of vote bank politics. But a review of Gidwani’s novel predating Muthanna’s book by four years was published on 19 December 1976 in the daily Hindustan Times by M.C. Gabriel:
This detailed look at Gidwani's fantasy novel, Sword of Tipu Sultan was essential because much of the material for the Tipu myth-making is derived from this novel. In our own times, the late Girish Karnad’s Kannada play, Tipuvina Kanasugalu (The dreams of Tipu Sultan) borrows approvingly from Gidwani’s myth.
But what is astonishing is the manner in which this myth has persisted despite the availability of copious amounts of primary sources regarding Tipu Sultan which prove the exact opposite of what Tipu myth-makers claim. These include and are not limited to the letters he wrote to various officials in his administration and military, letters104 he wrote to himself (in his journal/diary), eyewitness accounts by his contemporaries (Indian, French and British), land and other administrative records. Indeed, we can construct an accurate picture of the life, times, character and legacy of Tipu Sultan using these primary sources even if we don’t want to rely on any history textbook about him—both that glorify him or otherwise. And that accurate picture is not pretty.
The most charitable assessment of Tipu Sultan after a survey of these sources is to call him the tyrant of Mysore. His seventeen-year long regime was primarily a tenure of military and economic terror as far as Hindus were concerned. He razed entire cities literally to the ground and depopulated them.
As representative samples, we can examine his raids in Kodagu (Coorg) and the Malabar for the extent and scale of sheer barbarism and large scale destruction.
In 1788, Tipu marched into Kodagu and burnt down entire towns and villages. Mir Hussein Kirmani, Tipu’s courtier-cum-biographer describes how the raid resulted in the torching of villages in Kushalapura (today’s Kushalnagar), Talakaveri, Madikeri, and other places. Additionally, Tipu in a letter to the Nawab of Kurnool, Runmust Khan, describes how he took 40000 Kodavas (inhabitants of Kodagu) as prisoners and forcibly converted them to Islam and “incorporated them with our Ahmadi corps.” Already a thinly-populated country, Tipu’s brutal raid followed by large-scale prisoner-taking depopulated Kodagu of its original inhabitants to a severe extent. To Islamize Kodagu, he transported about 7000 Muslim families belonging to the Shaikh and Sayyid sects to Kodagu from elsewhere.
The intensity of Tipu’s raid was so terrifying that hundreds of temple priests fled to Mangalore along with their families. Worship came to a permanent halt in several temples. Some temples were covered with leaves in order to conceal their presence. The Maletirike Bhagavati temple at Virajpet is a good example of this. Equally, the renowned Omkareshwara temple in Madikeri was about to meet the same fate—the then ruler at Madikeri panicked at the approach of Tipu, removed its tower and replaced it with a dome so that it resembled a mosque from afar. The temple continues to retain this appearance till date. In his raid of Napoklu near Madikeri, Tipu destroyed the temples in the surrounding villages of Betu and Kolakeri.
Remnants of Tipu Sultan’s savage raid of Kodagu survive even today: the forcibly converted Kodavas are today known as Kodava Mapilas (Kodagu Muslims) whose family names are still Hindu—representative examples are surnames like Kuvalera, Italtanda, Mitaltanda, Kuppodanda, Kappanjeera, Kalera, Chekkera, Charmakaranda, Maniyanda, Balasojikaranda, and Mandeyanda.
To the Kodavas, Tipu’s fanatical dance of death in their homeland remains a wound that will never heal.
When we turn to the Malabar, the record is equal, if not gorier. Indeed, Tipu’s incursions into the Malabar can form the subject of an independent book. Like in Kodagu, remnants of Tipu’s disastrous campaigns in the
Malabar can be seen even today in the region. The city that bore the brunt of his excesses in the Malabar is Kozhikode (Calicut). William Logan’s Malabar Manual, the Malabar Gazetter, the Portuguese missionary Fr. Bartholomew’s Voyage to East Indies, the German missionary Guntest and accounts by various contemporary British military officers contain first-hand accounts of how Tipu razed the city to the ground. An excerpt from Bartholomew provides us a representative glimpse:
The devastation in Kozhikode was so comprehensive that it changed the character of the place forever. Kozhikode was home to more than seven thousand Brahmin families. Thanks to Tipu, more than 2000 of these were wiped out, and the remaining fled to the jungle. In the words of the German missionary Guntest, “[A]ccompanied by an army of 60,000, Tipu Sultan came to Kozhikode [Calicut] in 1788 and razed it to the ground. It is not possible even to describe the brutalities committed by that Islamic barbarian from Mysore.”
If this was not enough, we have testimony from the horse’s mouth. Tipu Sultan in letters to Syed Abdul Dulai and his officer Budruz Zaman Khan respectively, gloats thus:
In passing, it must also be said that the consequences of his invasion were all- encompassing. Until his destructive raid, the Malabar region was a flourishing hub of pepper and spice trade throughout the world. However, when Tipu burnt and destroyed several cities and towns in one disastrous sweep, this trade was killed almost overnight. Pepper cultivation was completely stopped.
Till this day, the Malabar people retain the deadly memory of his invasion in the form of just one Malayalam word: padayottam.
Much is made by Tipu apologists of how he was kind towards Hindus and how he gave gifts to the Sringeri Mutt. One swallow indeed does not a summer make. Chapter 11 of my book debunks this myth in detail but here’s the short version.
William Logan’s Malabar Manual gives a detailed list of all the temples Tipu had destroyed in Kerala, and Lewis Rice in his Mysore Gazetter holds that “in the vast empire of Tipu Sultan on the eve of his death, there were only two Hindu temples having daily pujas,” and further estimates that he had destroyed eight thousand temples in South India, a number which Colonel R.D. Palsokar also confirms in his study on Tipu Sultan.
The gifts to Sringeri Mutt was more on the lines of realpolitik: Tipu had been badly beaten and weakened in the Third Anglo Mysore war of 1791. He was also smarting from a recent raid by the Marathas who had then become all-powerful. It was to placate the Hindus in his dominion that Tipu gave the said gifts.
The source of much of his cruelty and sprees of savagery owes to his religious fanaticism. Tipu Sultan regarded himself as the protector of Islam and went to extreme lengths to make the world aware of this fact.
Consider these: One of the major things Tipu did after taking over the Mysore throne in 1782 was to rename cities and towns with Hindu names to Muslim ones. He also changed weights and measures to be consistent with the tenets of Islam. So, he changed the kos (unit of measuring distance) from two miles as “consisting of so many yards of twice twenty-four thumb-breadths, because the creed (Kalmah) contains twenty-four letters,” to quote107 Lewin B Bowring. If this was not enough, Tipu also changed the measurement of Time. To quote Bowring again, “Tipu founded a new calendar...giving . fantastic names to the years, and equally strange ones to the lunar months. The year, according to his arrangement, only contained 354 days, and each month was called by some name in alphabetical order.” Tipu’s calendar began with the year of the birth of Prophet Mohammad, and even gave names to years as Ahand, Ab, Jha, Baab, and so on.
Indeed, Tipu made no secret of his hatred for infidels—both Hindu and Christian. After his death in 1799 in the Fourth Anglo-Mysore war and the fall of his capital Srirangapattana to the British, Colonel William Kirkpatrick discovered more than two thousand letters in his palace written in Farsi in Tipu’s own handwriting. In these letters, Tipu refers to Hindus as “kaffirs and infidels” and to the British as “Christians” who needed to be “cleansed (or converted) if the rule of Islam is to be firmly established in India.”
Until Tipu took over, official administrative records were written in Kannada and translated to Marathi. Tipu did away with both these languages and enforced Farsi as the administrative language of the Mysore state. The vestiges of this change are visible in the administrative language used by the present day Karnataka Government: “Khata,” “Khirdi,” “Pahani,” “Khanisumari,” “Gudasta,” “Takhte,” “Tari,” “Khushki,” “Bagaaytu,” “Banjaru,” “Jamabandi,” “Ahalvalu,” “Khavand,” “Amaldaar,” and “Shirastedaar” and so on.
Tipu also appointed only Muslim officers to key posts in both the military and administration irrespective of merit or competence. M.H. Gopal in his Tipu Sultan’s Mysore: an Economic History avers thus:
Finally, we can examine the greatest myth about Tipu Sultan: that he was a brave freedom fighter and patriot who sought to liberate India from British rule. The easiest way to deflate this myth is to look at the timeline of both Tipu Sultan and world history. The notion of nation states and the rhetoric of patriotism became prominent mostly in the latter half of the 19th Century in Europe.
Until the British Crown took over India as one of its colonies and introduced European concepts such as nation states, nationalism, patriotism, democracy and so on, and indeed, the concept of the whole of India as a nation-state was alien to the Indian experience. Until then, India was conceived variously as Jambudvipa, Bharatavarsha and so on, and was united by a common cultural strand rooted in the Vedic civilization and its various offshoots and streams. It was only in 1858 that India became a nation in the sense of a colony ruled by Great Britain.
And so if we examine Tipu Sultan’s timeline beginning with his birth in 1753 up to his death in 1799, it becomes clear that the British East India Company, a business enterprise, was fighting for the economic and military supremacy of India. The French were the only other major contender. The Marathas posed the most powerful threat to the British during Tipu’s rule. More importantly, the whole of India was not united politically as a single nation under any ruler. And like the Marathas, Tipu Sultan too was engaged in constant battle to expand his empire in order to bring the “infidel land under the sword of Islam.” Therefore, to claim that Tipu fought against the British for India’s freedom ignores historical truths and defies logic. If we accept this claim to be true, we also need to accept the fact that Siraj-ud-Daula, Tipu’s senior contemporary in Bengal, was a freedom fighter. Or for that matter, the fact that the Marathas too, were freedom fighters.
In fact, the opposite is true. Tipu’s various correspondences with the French, preserved at the India Office in London indicate how he conspired with them to drive out the British and divide India between them. If this was not enough, Tipu also invited the Afghan ruler, Zaman Shah to invade India and help the cause of Islam.
This then is the near-comprehensive history and legacy of Tipu Sultan which leaves no doubt as to the kind of ruler he was or the nature and extent of his religion-inspired barbarism.
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